Students in the Center for Arabic Student Abroad (CASA@AUC) program are back to taking classes in AUC’s oldest building, the historic palace, which has been overlooking downtown Cairo for more than 150 years. 

“This move serves as a symbolic homecoming, highlighting the program’s growth and reaffirming its success and commitment to offering students a dynamic environment for Arabic language learning and cultural immersion.”

CASA@AUC students had been studying at the historic palace before relocating to New Cairo in 2008 with the rest of the University. They didn’t remain there for long and returned to AUC Tahrir Square with a dedicated space in Hill House, allowing students to experience the vibrance of downtown and engage in cultural events that enrich their learning. This year, they are back to studying in the historic palace, where AUC originally conceived the program. 

“The return to the palace is highly significant, as CASA@AUC continues to fulfill its mission of immersive Arabic language and cultural education,” said Iman Soliman, senior instructor and chair of the Department of Arabic Language Instruction. “This move serves as a symbolic homecoming, highlighting the program’s growth and reaffirming its success and commitment to offering students a dynamic environment for Arabic language learning and cultural immersion.”

“[This] revives a longstanding tradition of teaching the liberal arts, which include the study of language, in a setting defined by beauty and heritage."

Hear what CASA@AUC students feel about studying in the historic palace:

“Studying Arabic in the heart of Cairo at the historic AUC Tahrir campus is such a privilege. The campus's beautiful grounds and architecture, coupled with its modern facilities, are like an oasis for study and reflection. And all at arm’s reach from the energy and excitement we love about downtown Cairo.”

Jaron Sutton 

“The return of the CASA@AUC program to the historic palace at AUC’s Tahrir Square campus revives a longstanding tradition of teaching the liberal arts, which include the study of language, in a setting defined by beauty and heritage. With its stunning architecture, lush greenery and walls adorned with the names of renowned scholars from the Islamic and Arab tradition, there is simply no better place for CASA@AUC to thrive. The campus serves as a reminder of Egypt’s rich intellectual heritage and an inspiration to carry this legacy forward.”

Dani Bin Abdul Rahim 

“I spent some time doing research at AUC's archives last year and came across several photos of Umm Kulthum and her takht performing at Ewart Hall. When I found out that CASA@AUC would be held at the old campus, these images immediately surfaced in my mind. I was beyond excited to study in a historic place where these monumental musicians once performed. I still pinch myself every morning as I walk past Ewart Hall on the way to class, thinking of Kawkab al-Sharq, Muhammad al-Qasabji and all the other greats who have walked these halls, filling the place with music.”

Kira Weiss

In the past two weeks, more than 1,000 people have been killed in Lebanon and 6,300 injured by Israeli strikes. Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, was also killed on September 27. While the looming implications of this conflict remain unclear, we asked AUC faculty members who study the region to share their thoughts.

Why Conflict? Why Now?

Bahgat Korany, professor of international relations and political economy, broke down Israel’s objectives into three points:

1. Militarily: eliminate the threat of an enemy, Hezbollah.
2. Domestically: allow Israelis in the north to return to their region and feel secure, and increase support for the current Israeli government while it is still on the defensive because of the hostage crisis. A direct objective of prolonging the violence is to save Netanyahu from being tried on corruption charges.
3. Regionally and strategically: show that Israel is the dominant power, omnipresent and multi-capable. It can do what it decides, and no deterrence whatsoever will work.

In a nutshell, “It is the present Israeli government that wants a regional war,” said Korany.

Jason Beckett, associate professor of law, gave an international law perspective. “Law of war contains two clear principles: the duty to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and the duty of proportionality.” In international law, “the targeting of walkie-talkies and pagers would probably be considered a war crime” and the targeted assassinations are also deemed “problematic."

“The number of casualties already approached in just two or three days what it was after 33 days [in the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah War].”

Social, Human Cost in Lebanon

The war has already had devastating effects in Lebanon, displacing as many as a million people internally and causing more than 30,000 people to flee to war-torn Syria. 

Sean Lee, assistant professor of political science, finds that the conflict’s human cost is “even worse than it was in the Israel-Hezbollah War in 2006” as “the number of casualties — the number of people killed and injured — already approached in just two or three days what it was after 33 days in 2006.”

Beckett said that prospects for human rights in Lebanon are “pretty awful,” speculating that essentially all rights will be broken. “The people of Lebanon suffer. They’ve been suffering anyway, but now they suffer more,” Beckett said, emphasizing the human impact of the attacks.

Economically, Korany said that “all indicators without exception show the deteriorating situation, from the worthlessness of the Lebanese currency to the shortage of medicine and basic goods.” Beyond economics, Korany pointed out that “Lebanon is already what we call in political science a ‘fragile/failed state,’ and with displacement from the south, the state’s incapacity to cope will increase.”

Prior to October 7, Lebanon was recovering from what the World Bank called one of the world’s worst financial crises since the 1850s. That crisis was exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic and domestic protests triggered by the Beirut port explosion on August 4, 2020. In the years since those pivotal events, Lebanon had reached a period of political deadlock and economic depression, lasting until the country was dragged into an active state of war over these past weeks. 

“The Lebanese lira lost 90% of its value, and about 80% of the population live around the poverty line. Israeli military attacks are making a bad situation far worse,” said Korany. State actors, including the government and Lebanese Armed Forces, remain mostly uninvolved in the current war.

"Lebanon is already what we call in political science a ‘fragile/failed state,’ and with displacement from the south, the state’s incapacity to cope will increase.”

Future Expectations

“The situation is bleak,” said Beckett, who has low faith in the international community’s willingness to take action, such as through sanctions and embargoes. The U.S. response is the most relevant to the situation, which Beckett said “is a problem as Biden, Harris and Trump all support the Gaza genocide.”

According to Lee, “If we take certain Israeli cabinet ministers at their word, they would like to see ground invasion and occupation, if not even annexation of South Lebanon.” Lee does not think the annexation is realistic, but he noted that “Israel has a long history of occupying South Lebanon,” invading it in 1978 and 1982 and occupying it from 1982 until 2000. “It would not surprise me if [there is a ground invasion that] leads to a longer occupation, but I think that would also be very costly for the Israelis in both treasure and blood,” he said.

Beckett said he would like a situation where Israeli aggression is permanently curtailed and there is no need for Hamas, Hezbollah, or the Axis of Resistance to exist, “But that seems unlikely.” What must happen, in his view, is a U.S. change of stance on arming Israel. “Criticizing Netanyahu is not enough, especially when you continue to arm and diplomatically protect him. The invasion [in Lebanon] will continue for as long as it has U.S. support.”

Korany believes that two critical measures are needed to save Lebanon from its worsening situation: (1) an immediate ceasefire and pressure on Israel to stop its plans; (2) foreign funds to help those who left their homes in the south and rebuild medical services and general infrastructure so that people may go back.

Beckett concludes, “Theoretically, states have a duty to prevent war crimes and ensure respect for international humanitarian law, but they will not.”